Funding Liberty! Table of Contents

Funding Liberty!

Chapter 6

Browne Launches His 2000 Campaign

1997—Browne Announces His 2000 Strategy

Browne ran for President in 1996. His campaign was, by most measures, less than successful. He finished fifth, the worst positional outcome by a Libertarian Presidential candidate in several election cycles. However, he did receive more votes than any other Libertarian Presidential candidate since Ed Clark. In 1996, then-LP National Director Perry Willis wrote of the 1996 election that LP membership had increased by more than 8500 during 1996, and concluded "...why am I making it sound like the members we recruited are so much more important that the votes we did (and did not) get? Because they are." After the 2000 campaign, Willis would be unable to make similar claims, because in 2000 Party membership did not increase substantially.

Mutual funds warn you that past performance is no promise of future gain. The 1996 Browne campaign had given no hint of real performance, but many Libertarians were told to just imagine that Browne would do better in the future.

Despite—or perhaps because of—his 1996 campaign, Browne and supporters soon made plans for a 2000 run. I can't read the minds of the Browne staff. I don't know what they were actually thinking. However, the Browne campaign distributed an extensive series of fund-raising letters. Many of those letters discussed campaign strategy. The letters tried to convince potential donors to support Browne and his strategy. The announced strategy may not have been the true strategy. It was, however, the strategy in which donors invested. We now know, as Libertarians did not know at the time, where Browne's money actually went.

In early 1997, Browne launched his campaign to secure the 2000 Libertarian presidential nomination. He spoke of doing better in 2000 than he had in 1996. The new campaign would differ from the old; it would do the old things in better ways. There would be more Party members. More money. An earlier start. Browne 2000 would be a louder echo of Browne 1996, perhaps with some new bells and whistles.

Browne first revealed his strategy in a letter dated February 10, 1997 reportedly sent to ‘maximum donors'’ to his 1996 campaign. In that letter, Browne revealed the formation of an exploratory committee, and set forth his campaign objectives:

"It all comes down to one thing: how big the Libertarian Party is. Today the Libertarian Party has about 22,000 members. While that's the largest membership in its history, it is still way too small to make an impact on American politics. We need a party at least ten times that size—200,000 or more members... And, too, if I announce my candidacy at the start of 2000, we need to have a large pile of money already in the bank—ready to start TV advertising and a full-time campaign. That means at least $1 million accumulated in advance—but a lot more, if possible.

Browne's announced strategy laying the groundwork for the 2000 Libertarian campaign thus had three independent goals:

(1) The Libertarian Party needed to increase its membership from 22,000 in 1997 to 200,000 by 2000.

(2) By the end of 1999, the Browne campaign needed to stockpile at least $1,000,000 of accumulated cash as a warchest. Note the key operative modifier 'accumulated'.

(3)  By January 2000, the Browne campaign needed a campaign apparatus ready to roll, with TV ads already produced and ready to run.  

These were extremely aggressive goals for the Libertarian Party and for Browne's Campaign.

Under Browne's strategy, Party members would serve as donors and potential volunteers. The campaign would make a spectacular early launch of Browne 2000 during a quiet phase of the quadrennial campaign news cycle. The ensuing publicity would be used to raise enough new money to keep the Browne campaign in the public eye. Browne cautiously did not say he would not run if his goals were not met.

Browne was now a candidate for the Presidential nomination. Realistically speaking, in 1997 no sane Libertarian could promise "this time, we're going to capture the White House". So what did Browne promise to do if nominated?

Browne approached this question in an April, 1997 letter excerpted to Libertarian e-mail lists by Ken Sturzenacker. The letter from "The Harry Browne Exploratory Committee" announced on the outside "Harry Browne may consider a second presidential bid in 2000." Beyond the February letter, Browne identified needs for 2000: "...we have to run a campaign that's comparable in size to those of the Republicans and Democrats." "We need extensive national TV advertising, campaign committees in every state and city, and reporters following the candidate everywhere he goes...."

Browne proposed that a 200,000-member party would supply these needs by providing

·         An enormous fund-raising base - one that can provide the money for steady TV advertising, and for professionals who can organize a first-class campaign.

·         The people to create campaign committees everywhere, to have precinct-walkers who can take our message door-to-door to every American voter if we're shut out of the debates.

·         The clout with the press and TV networks to inspire a pack of reporters to dog the candidate wherever he goes, reporting daily on his speeches, meetings, policy proposals, and press conferences."

In the letter, Browne also set forth steps he needed to accomplish before the beginning of the campaign season:

"But in addition to the party growing, I need to build my name recognition.

"I need to continue appearing on radio talk shows, in front of large crowds, and on TV.

"I need to shore up relationships with media people; the groundwork was laid last year and I don't want to lose the contacts and respect we achieved.

"If I'm to run in 2000, I need to enter the race as someone who is known by people everywhere - whose face shows up on TV regularly and who is recognized on the street.

I need to become a household name over the next three years. (I've already started doing a daily 5-minute radio commentary, and I will write another book soon; but that's just the beginning of what's necessary.)"

And finally:

"And, too, if I announce my candidacy at the start of 2000, we need to have a large pile of money already in the bank - ready to start TV advertising and a full-scale campaign."

The author heard Browne speak at the pre-nomination New Hampshire State Convention. Browne described possible outcomes of the election, asking listeners to imagine, just imagine, if a Libertarian were to do well. Just imagine if a Libertarian Presidential candidate got a million votes. Just imagine if a Libertarian got into the Presidential debates. Just imagine if....  I listened carefully. Browne's words were beautifully crafted. Browne almost never promised anything. He just asked listeners to ‘just imagine’ that wonderful things would happen, with no explanation of how these things would come to pass or why his nomination would make them more likely.

Candidate speeches are not contracts, designed to survive passage through a fine-toothed comb under the watchful eye of a gaggle of attorneys. Afterward I spoke to New Hampshire Libertarians. Many of them clearly believed that a million votes and a debate appearance against Bush-Gore were specific goals promised by Browne if he got the nomination. Many of them were firmly convinced that these were good goals, perhaps hard to attain. Many of them were firmly convinced that for several reasons, notably that Browne had run before, Browne was the Libertarian most likely to reach the goals they had just been led to imagine. Many of them said that they supported Browne, though when it came time for Browne’s New Hampshire supporters to become activists and work for Browne’s campaign these New Hampshire convention attendees had faded from the scene.

Browne's published strategy did not mention internal political difficulties faced by Browne. I've noted above issues that had arisen as a result of Browne's changes of mind during the 1996 campaign. Some these difficulties were issues that the Browne campaign could not mention publicly, but that needed to be addressed.

An early indication that Browne's 1996 Campaign had not been received well was that long-time LNC member and Party Activist Don Ernsberger resigned from the Libertarian Party. An open letter from Mike Nixson of York County, Pennsylvania presented the explanation for Ernsberger’s resignation. Nixson had been a substantial early contributor to the Browne Campaign, and had helped raise $7,000 toward Browne's efforts. Nixson identified problematic aspects of "strategic directions" and "ethical matters". Nixson thought that Libertarians could agree to disagree about strategic directions, but that the ethical matters "overall..are a serious impediment to our...success".

Issues that Nixson discussed included (1) excessive use of spin and hype, (2) actions calling into account the ethical character of the national leadership, (3) borrowing by the National Committee in violation of the By-Laws, and (4) strategy. With respect to spin, Nixson quoted former LNC member Don Ernsberger, who had resigned following the 1996 election: "...The membership of the Libertarian Party continues to fool itself into the belief that the LP plays any role in the political process. Furthermore, the only thing the LP does well is use hype to raise money from its members. Having made the decision [to quit the Party] I was able to sit back and observe the Harry Browne campaign...On Election Day I took out all the fund raising letters from the past two years and spread them across my work table...a pathetic collection of hype." With respect to ethics, Nixson objected to staff members who were also working for the Browne and Bergland campaigns.

The issue of funding arises from the By-Laws, Article 12, Section 5, "The Party shall not borrow in excess of $2000 total without prior approval by 2/3 vote of the National Committee. This shall not include current operating debt for trade payables." Nixson explains that 'current operating debt' refers to bills to be paid within 30 days of being tendered, notes that the Party had extensive longer-term debt, and claims that the National Treasurer's claim that he had Executive Committee approval for incurring the debt "...was an outright fabrication." With respect to strategy, Nixson proposed that the large national office with a 1995 budget of two million dollars was 'an example of top down thinking' that was 'philosophically opposite to my understanding of a Libertarian political ethic'.

In an aside based on his professional experience, Nixson estimated the cost of producing professional TV spots, which he had done, including $3,000 for a half-day of shooting and $10,000 for a heavily-edited 20 minute training video with actors and music.

Nixson's letter and Ernsberger's resignation had little broader impact. The Browne campaign failed to address its difficulties within the party. In 2000 Browne and the National party were to pay a steep price for this failure.

Forward to Chapter 7

 

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